Autor: Antonie Kelly (Ústav obecné lingvistiky)

Projekt byl součástí předmětu Sociolinguistics, language contact and bilingualism na University of the West of England (UWE), Bristol


In this project firstly I reviewed the literature about bilingualism and this was then tested against the findings. The two participants were native speakers of English and non-native fluent speakers of Czech. The main focus was to search for transfer and code-switching. The findings revealed that bilingualism is a non-still phenomena and that learning is an on-going process.



Second language acquisition research can be conducted in many ways. For this project, I decided to record two non-native Czech speakers; one is a learner of Czech and the other an English-Czech bilingual. In this essay, firstly, I will define the terminology based on the literature. Secondly, I will describe the method. Finally, I will analyse the findings and discuss whether they confirm what was found in the literature.

Literature review

It has always been useful to learn another language apart from the native one. As Gass and Selinker (2008:1) state, second language acquisition is a relatively young field. It investigates the notion from various perspectives and with the help of fields such as psychology and language teaching (Gass and Selinker, 2008: 20). The SLA research attempts to answer questions such as why do not all learners reach the same level of proficiency and how they form their hypotheses while learning. A second language can be acquired at various ages and stages of life and some researchers (Birdsong, 1999: 1 and Long, 1990: 252-3) suggest that it is easier to learn a second language before reaching puberty.

When children or adults reach an advanced level in another language, they can be considered bilingual. Grosjean (2010: 4) defines bilinguals as people “who use two or more languages (or dialects) in their everyday lives”. When children are brought up in a bilingual environment, they are likely to acquire two languages during their childhood (Grosjean, 1982: 170-1). As Grosjean further notes (1982: 230-1), bilingualism has often been linked with the level of fluency. Nevertheless, Grosjean links it rather with the regular usage (as mentioned in the definition above) and the speaker’s need for language skills.

As this essay’s purpose is to analyse the language of two native English speakers and non-native Czech speakers, I will discuss the similarities and differences between these two languages. Both Czech and English belong to the Indo-European language family; however, English is a Germanic language and Czech belongs with the Slavic languages. The languages have a common origin of Proto-Indo-European. However, they originate in separate subgroups; therefore, they are distinct and this could pose issues to the speakers.

Czech is a highly inflected language as can be seen in many textbooks and grammar books for foreign learners (Vinopalová, 1999 and Confortiová, 1998) and from the standard grammar book by Grepl, et al. (2008). The word order is fairly free, but as Comrie (2009: 325) notes, it is not random. One aspect of the Czech language that this essay will investigate is gender. Czech gender classification belongs to the formal systems (Corbett, 1991: 33) as the gender is assigned to the noun according to the form rather than to its semantic meaning. Corbett (1991: 34-43) describes Russian in detail, which is an East-Slavic language; therefore, certain similarities with Czech can be recognized. They both have three genders: masculine, feminine and neuter. Declensions of nouns, adjectives and numerals depend on the assigned gender. As Corbett also points out (1991: 7), native speakers are able to assign the correct gender to words they have not heard before or to made up words, so there is a system. However, I can expect that learners may struggle with these and therefore make errors.

English, on the other hand, lost its inflections. Baker and Prys Jones (1998: 129) describe English as an analytic language where the word order has a crucial role to determine the grammatical relations. English also lost its three grammatical gender distinction (Fennell, 2001: 64) and as Corbett describes it, the gender is covert nowadays (1991: 62-3 and 117). As it is obvious from the English grammar, unless it is explicitly stated that the noun is male or female (as is the case with family relations, animals etc.), there is no gender distinction made in the grammar. Therefore, the speaker does not have to think about it. This may pose problems to Czech learners where the gender is crucial for determining the declensions.

Learners of Czech are likely to bring in influences from their mother tongue English and make so called interferences, or transfer (Winford, 2003: 209-217; Grosjean, 2010: 68). This can be done in terms of phonology, morphology and/or syntax. As Winford also points out (2003: 215-6), whether the transfer into L2 would be positive or negative may also be determined by the level of “typological similarity” between the two languages and also by the level of acquisition the learner has reached. However, Gass and Selinker (2008: 90) warn against the simplification of the terms positive and negative transfer, as these are classified according to the output that is evaluated by the hearer. They also state that there is a process behind the transfer and this is not positive or negative. However, when a non-native speaker is building up a sentence in L2, they may be influenced by constructions from L1.

According to Sakel (2007: 15), there are two types of borrowings; these are called MAT (matter) and PAT (pattern). MAT borrowings happen when a speaker takes a word from a source language and employs it in the target language. On the other hand, PAT borrowing, as suggested by its name, copies patterns of the source languages and translates the meaning into the target language. It is common that speakers are not aware of PAT borrowings because they appear natural. As Sakel further points out, MAT and PAT can often be combined (2007: 15).

In this essay, I will also deal with MAT types of code-switching. Grosjean defines code-switching as “the alternate use of two languages” (2010: 51) “in the same conversation or interaction” (1982: 145). That means that the bilingual speaker or learner is speaking in one language and suddenly produces a word, a phrase or even multiple sentences in another language. There are several reasons for code-switching (Grosjean, 2010: 53-4; Baker and Prys Jones, 1998: 60). Sometimes the bilinguals feel the notion is better expressed in the other language or they simply do not know the word in one language; therefore, they say it in the other. Some words are also culture specific and cannot be easily translated. When bilinguals know that the people around them are bilinguals as well, they may switch to a “bilingual mode” (Grosjean, 2008: 37) where they know it is safe to code-switch as the others will understand them without difficulties. In this essay, I define all instances of code-switching as MAT types because they are all cases of only one word uttered in English, instead of Czech.


In this project, I recorded two participants. Both of them are native speakers of English and they have acquired Czech in different ways.

Participant 1 is female and comes from Northern Ireland. Previously she learnt French and Latin as foreign languages. Later on, she started studying Russian and three years ago she started learning Czech. As she noted in the interview, she does not remember the French she learnt anymore. Latin has only been useful to her in terms of grammatical terminology. Therefore, she perceives Russian and Czech as her two active foreign languages. Participant 1 has been studying Russian for nine years; therefore it could be assumed she has a higher proficiency in it rather than in Czech. Nevertheless, the participant stated in the interview that she finds Czech more accessible and has spoken it more often lately. Currently, she studies Russian and Czech at a university. For the purpose of this study, I will define English as her L1, Russian as L2 and Czech as L3, according to how long she has been in contact with these languages. She is still a learner of Czech.

Participant 2 is male and comes from a bilingual background with a Czech mother and a British father. He has lived in England his entire life; however, he has been going to the Czech Republic to visit his grandmother during holidays. As he stated in the interview, in his youth, he spoke Czech more with his child-carer than with his mother as she was busy working and she also had to learn English at that time. A similar language acquisition context is outlined by Grosjean (2010: 164-5). English became his dominant language when he started attending school. As Grosjean (2010: 166) notes, this is an important moment in the child’s life because he is suddenly more surrounded with one language than the other. Participant 2 began the formal instruction of Czech at the age of 17 when he went to a summer school in Prague. There it was suggested by the teachers to study Czech as a university course. Similarly to Participant 1, Participant 2 also used to learn French and Latin but does not use it anymore. At the age of 13, he also started learning German and currently he studies German and Czech at a university. As suggested by Grosjean (1982: 230-1), he may have chosen this course because of the need to maintain his language skills and remain fluent in Czech. In this study, I will define English as his L1 and Czech as L2 because he is less proficient in Czech than in English. I will also define German as his L3. I consider him as an English-Czech bilingual due to his family background and his cultural attachments to Czech.

Other participants in the interview were: the researcher conducting the recording and posing questions, marked as A; and a Czech friend of all the other participants who happened to be present during the first part of the interview, marked as B.

The method of the research was an oral interview (Larsen-Freeman and Long, 1991: 30) that was recorded on two mobile phones to ensure the security of recordings, the quality and possibility of comparison when one is unintelligible. The questions posed by the interviewer were supposed to elicit information about the participants’ language background and their attitudes towards languages and culture (metadata). The first part of the interview was conducted in a room at the University of Bristol. As the room had to be vacated half way through the interview, the rest was recorded whilst we were walking towards Clifton Triangle where we were supposed to meet our other Czech-speaking friends. In my opinion, the atmosphere was relaxed and as far as I can tell the participants did not show any obvious pressure of being recorded. As I am a native speaker of Czech, I am aware of the fact that the participants may have been influenced by that and adjusted their speech accordingly (Gass and Selinker, 2008: 268).

I transcribed the whole recording into Czech and used parts of it in the findings and discussion section. The whole transcript can be found in Appendix D.

In order to maintain the anonymity of the participants, I issued them with an anonymous number in the participant information sheet. I also informed them about the possibility of withdrawal from the project at any time. After the recording was finished, I revealed the purpose of the study to them. Both participants agreed with the recording to be used in the study and they signed a consent form.

Findings and discussion

In this part of the essay, I will present the data and analyse it. The linguistic phenomena that are analysed are highlighted in bold throughout the section (in the original form, the gloss and the translation). For the purposes of this section, I included three categories: transfer, gender, and code-switching.

The category of transfer includes language phenomena that would appear unnatural to a native speaker of Czech. More examples are to be found in Appendix A. In Participant 1’s language output I recognized two types of transfer. The first type is a transfer from English into Czech.

24 P1: a řekl že jako na začátku musel získat každé slovo v slovníku

Gloss:     and said.3SG that like on beginning must.PAST get every word in dictionary

Transl:   ‘And he said that at the beginning he had to get every word from a dictionary.’

On line 24, the speaker transferred the verb “get” into Czech, which made the sentence sound unnatural. To reach the target form, the speaker should have said “search” instead. This is a typical PAT borrowing, as described by Sakel (2007: 15) where the speaker replicates the word into the target language. As stated above, Czech and English originate in different Indo-European subgroups, so it could be argued that this is a possible reason for the negative transfer in this case because do not use identical expressions.

The second type of transfer that Participant 1 made is probably from her L2 Russian.

113 P1: protože tady jako ta francouzština asi Ø ten hlavní jazyk co studujeme jako na škole

Gloss:     because here like the French probably Ø the main language which study.1PL like at school

Transl:   ‘Because French is probably the main [foreign] language that we study at school here  [in the UK].’

Russian lacks the copula verb (to be); it is simply omitted in a sentence and that is exactly what happened in the Czech utterance on line 113. The appropriately declined verb “to be” is missing altogether. It could be argued that the speaker simply forgot to include the verb in the sentence. On the other hand, as I am aware of her language background, I would argue that this is a clear transfer from L2 Russian into L3 Czech. Moreover, these languages are from the same language branch; they are both Slavic languages. Therefore, it is possible that the speaker made an unconscious mistake with regards to this fact. This is also a case of a PAT loan where the speaker copied the sentence structure from L2 and used it in L3.

Participant 2 also made interesting transfers from L1 English into L2 Czech. On line 187, he literally translated the English phrase “to do a month at a school” which came out in Czech as non-targetlike.

187 P2: já když mi bylo sedmnáct tak jsem udělal letní školu v Praze měsíc

Gloss:     I when me was seventeen so be.AUX did summer school.ACC in Prague month.NOM/ACC

Transl:   ‘When I was seventeen I did a month at a summer school in Prague.’

The targetlike form would rather include “to be on a month at a summer school”. Therefore, in this sentence, there are three particles to be changed into the targetlike form. Firstly, he used the verb “to do” instead of “to be”. Secondly, the case of the noun phrase “the summer school” has to be changed from accusative into locative. And lastly, “month” cannot stand on its own without a preposition, such as in English, but has to take on the preposition “on”. Also, it is not clear whether the speaker said the word “month” in nominative or accusative, as these have the same form; however, the sentence is still not grammatical. When the relevant preposition is assigned, the noun becomes accusative because the preposition states the accusative case clearly.

As mentioned in the literature review, there is a distinction between Czech and English grammatical gender. As the gender is covert in English (Corbett, 1991:62-3), the participants sometimes struggled to apply the correct gender pronouns and declensions. On line 318, Participant 2 made an error in applying the correct gender to a numeral “two”. The Czech word “language” is masculine; however, the speaker declined the numeral as if it was feminine. Therefore, the agreement between the numeral and the noun was non-targetlike. More examples of the gender category can be found in Appendix B.

318 P2: přestože mám ty jako dvě jazyky a

Gloss:     altough have.1SG the.PL like two.FEM languages.MASC and

Transl:   ‘Altough I have [I can speak] two languages and’

Lastly, I will discuss the instances of code-switching. It should be noted that all cases of code-switching were uttered by Participant 2 as Participant 1 preferred to use only Czech. I could argue that the reason for this was that Participant 1 may prefer to use an alternative way to describe something when she does not know the specific piece of vocabulary or she may just omit the expression altogether. It is not clear whether her opinion is that the language should be used in its pure form and not to be “spoilt” by her mother tongue. It is interesting to note that all the code-switches were uttered by Participant 2 who is an English-Czech bilingual, rather than by Participant 1 who is a learner of Czech. Also, as mentioned previously, all the instances of code-switching are MAT borrowings; therefore, only one word is replicated. More examples of code-switching can be found in Appendix C.

On lines 255 and 259, the participant used British culture specific forms “GSCEs” and “A-levels”. He was aware of the fact that these terms cannot be simply translated. Therefore, he must have assumed that the interviewer was familiar enough with these terms to understand the utterance.

255 P2: tak jsem jenom udělal ty GCSEs ty první zkoušky státní

Transl:   ‘So I just did GCSEs, the first state exam.’


259 P2: pak jsem se dozvěděl jak jsem udělal A-levels

Transl:   ‘Then I found out how I did my A-levels.’

Later on in the interview, the participant was talking about his experience when he was in Austria. He stated that finally he felt that he did not have to be assigned a specific nationality.

329 P2: a pak jsem to se mi líbili líbilo jak jsem byl v Rakousku

Transl:   ‘And then what I really liked when I was in Austria…’


331 P2: že že nemusil být Angličan nebo Čech jako

Transl:   ‘…that I didn’t have to be English or Czech.’


333 P2: Ausländer

334 P2: foreigner

Then, on line 333, without any previous phrase or clause related, he said “Ausländer” in his L3 German, which is another foreign language that he speaks fluently. This was the only instance of code-switching into German in the whole interview. The participant code-switched in German probably because he was speaking about his experience in Austria; therefore, German was activated due to the context. However, he probably was not sure whether the interviewer understood German. Therefore, he immediately switched and translated the word. It should be highlighted that his first reaction was to translate from German into English, rather than into Czech. This could suggest that English is his underlying language. It could also mean that he did not know the Czech translation cizinec, and in fact, it is not used anywhere in the continuing conversation.


As the findings show, the participants make transfers from English into Czech. They also make certain types of errors related to the grammatical gender. The bilingual participant uttered code-switches during the interview. All these notions suggest that learning is still taking place for both participants. However, both the participants have advanced levels of proficiency in Czech and a native speaker does not have problems to understand them. In the future, more error analysis could be done in order to see what other types of errors the speakers make. With the help of the analysis, the speakers could be suggested some improvements to help them to achieve the target. Unfortunately, this could not have been done within the scale of this essay.

Reference list

Baker, C. and Prys Jones, S. (1998) Encyclopedia of bilingualism and bilingual education. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters.

Birdsong, D., ed. (1999) Second language acquisition and the Critical Period Hypothesis. London: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.

Comrie, B. (2009) The world’s major languages. [online] 2nd ed. Routledge. [Accessed 1 Decembember 2012].

Confortiová, H. (1998) Česká deklinace a konjugace pro cizince: tabulky a příklady. Prague: Karolinum. [Accessed 1 December 2012].

Corbett, G. (1991) Gender. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Fennell, B. A. (2001) A history of English: A sociolinguistic approach. Oxford: Blackwell.

Gass, S. M., & Selinker, L. (2008) Second language acquisition: An introductory course. New York: Routledge.

Grepl, M., Karlík, P., Nekula, M. and Rusínová, Z. (2008) Příruční mluvnice češtiny. 2nd ed. Prague: Lidové noviny. [Accessed 1 December 2012].

Grosjean, F. (1982) Life with two languages: An introduction to bilingualism. London: Harvard University Press.

Grosjean, F. (2008) Studying bilinguals. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Grosjean, F. (2010) Bilingual: Life and reality. London: Harvard University Press.

Larsen-Freeman, D. and Long, M. H. (1991) An introduction to second language acquisition research. Harlow: Longman.

Long, M. H. (1990) Maturational constraints on language development. Studies in second language acquisition. Volume 12, Issue 3, pp. 251-285.

Sakel, J. (2007) Types of loan: matter and pattern. In: Matras, Y. and Sakel, J., eds. (2008) Grammatical borrowing in cross-linguistic perspective. [online] New York: Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 15-29. [Accessed 1 December 2012].

Vinopalová, H. (1999) Základní mluvnice češtiny pro zahraniční studenty. [online] Prague: Karolinum. [Accessed 1 December 2012].

Winford, D. (2003) An introduction to contact linguistics. Oxford: Blackwell.


In the appendices, every utterance is numbered according to the line numbers in the interview transcript (the whole transcript is not attached here). The line numbers are bold for better orientation in the data. As mentioned in the method section, P1 and P2 are the participants and A is the interviewer. Every line is translated, this is marked with “Trans”. Where necessary, there is also a gloss introduced before the translation, and this is marked with “Gloss”. In the categories of transfer and reflexive verbs, I also included a line marked as “Czech”. This line suggest the sentence or phrase in its target-like form. It also contains a gloss and in some cases a translation underneath to explain the linguistic differences. All target-like sentences and phrases lack the filler “jako” as it does not violate the meaning of the utterance. The participants uttered the filler “jako” 140 times, and the filler “prostě” 17 times in the whole transcript. This suggests that they use them as hesitation markers. However, both these fillers are very common in native speech as well. In the code-switching category, the code-switches are in italic.

The part highlighted in bold are those that either have been analysed in the discussion sections or fall in this category as well, but they have not been given the opportunity to appear in the discussion; however, they are worth noting. The words in bold are in the original form as uttered by the speaker, then in the translation, and where appropriate in the gloss and in the target-like form and its gloss. This should enable the reader to trace the notion throughout the section. For better orientation, borders between sections are separated with hyphens.

Appendix A – Transfer

22 P1: a pak ten pán kupoval každý den každý týden noviny

Transl:  ‘And then the man bought a newspaper every day every week.’

Czech:   a on (si) pak kupoval každý týden noviny

Gloss:    and he.3SG (REFL) then buy.PAST every week newspaper

23 P1: a četl od samého začátku do konce

Transl:  ‘And he read it from the beginning to the end.’

24 P1: a řekl že jako na začátku musel získat každé slovo v slovníku

Gloss:     and said.3SG that like on beginning must.PAST get every word in dictionary

Transl:   ‘And he said that at the beginning he had to get every word from a dictionary.’

Czech:  a řekl že jako na začátku musel hledat každé slovo ve slovníku

Gloss:     and said.3SG that like on beginning must.PAST search every word in dictionary


113 P1: protože tady jako ta francouzština asi ten hlavní jazyk co studujeme jako na škole

Gloss:     because here like the French probably the main language which study.1PL like at school

Transl:   ‘Because French probably the main [foreign] language that we study at school here.’

Czech:  protože tady jako ta francouzština je asi ten hlavní jazyk co studujeme jako na škole

Gloss:     because here like the French be.3SG probably the main language which study.1PL like at school

Transl:   ‘Because French probably is the main [foreign] language that we study at school  here.’


187 P2: já když mi bylo sedmnáct tak jsem udělal letní školu v Praze měsíc

Gloss:     I when me was seventeen so be.AUX did summer school.ACC in Prague month.NOM/ACC

Transl:   ‘When I was seventeen I did a month at a summer school in Prague.’

Czech:  já když mi bylo sedmnáct tak jsem byl na měsíc na letní škole v Praze

Gloss:     I when me was seventeen so be.AUX be.PAST on month.ACC on summer school.LOC in Prague

Transl:   ‘When I was seventeen I was for a month at a summer school in Prague.’

188 P2: protože já jsem jako měl jsem pocit že jako já mluvím česky
ale já jsem nikdy nenaučil

Transl:   ‘Because I had the feeling that I could speak Czech
but I have never learnt it [in school; by  formal instruction].’

189 P2: nikdy jsem to neuměl psát jako

Gloss:     never be.AUX it NEG.can write like

Transl:   ‘I could never write it.’

Czech: nikdy jsem (v češtině) neuměl psát

Gloss:     never be.AUX (in Czech) NEG.can write

Transl:   ‘I could never write (in Czech).’

190 P2: mohl jsem to číst ale jako pomalu a blbě

Gloss:     could.1SG be.AUX it read but like slowly and badly

Transl:   ‘I could read it but slowly and badly.’

Czech:  mohl jsem číst (v češtině) ale pomalu a blbě

Gloss:     could.1SG be.AUX read (in Czech) but slowly and badly

Transl:   ‘I could read (in Czech) but slowly and badly.’


255 P2: tak jsem jenom udělal ty GCSEs ty první zkoušky státní

Transl:   ‘So when I did GCSEs the first state exam…’


257 P2: a dostal jsem á hvězdičku

Transl:   ‘And I got A star.’


285 P2: a taky tady doma v Anglii vždycky oslavujeme čes české vánoce a české velikonoce

Transl:   ‘And then here at home in England we always celebrate Czech Christmas and Czech  Easter.’


308 P2: a taky Ježíš příde a zazvoní zvonek

Transl:   ‘And also Jesus comes and a bell rings.’

Czech:   a taky Ježíšek příde a zazvoní zvonek

Gloss:     and also Jesus.DIM comes and ring.3SG bell


337 P2: že jako to bylo nového

Gloss:     that like it was new.ACC

Transl:   ‘That it was new.

Czech: že jako to bylo nové

Gloss:     that like it was new.NOM

or         že jako to bylo něco nového

Gloss:     that like it was something new.ACC

Appendix B – Gender

20 P1: protože v práci jako všichni jako dělaj
            ten tu to ten výzkum v angličtině jako

Gloss:     because in work like everybody like do.3PL
the.3SG.MAS the.3SG.FEM the.3SG.NEU the.3SG.MAS research.MAS in English

Transl:   ‘Because at work everyone is doing the research in English.


295 P2: taky máme ty vánoční

Gloss:     then have.1PL Christmas

Transl:   ‘Then we have the Christmas

296 A: cukroví

Gloss:     sweets.SG.NEU                     [pomnožný – pluralia tantum]

297 P2: cukroví ano to pečeme doma

Gloss:     sweets yes it.SG.NEU bake.1PL home


316 P2: jak jsem byl jako teď v Rakousku a v Česku a v Berlíně a všude

Transl:   ‘As I was in Austria and Czech Republic and Berlin and everywhere.

317 P2: tak jsem fakt tak jsem fakt cítil jako Angličan jako Brit

Transl:   ‘I really felt like English like British.

318 P2: přestože mám ty jako dvě jazyky a

Gloss:     altough have.1SG the.PL like two.FEM languages.MASC and

Transl:   ‘Altough I have two languages and

Appendix C – Code-switching

222 P2: jeden kámoš se naučil Hebrew

Transl:   ‘A friend of mine learnt Hebrew.’

223 A: hebrejštinu

Gloss:     Hebrew.ACC

224 P2: hebrejštinu

Gloss:     Hebrew.ACC

225 A: nebo hebrejsky no

Gloss:     or Hebrew.INSTR right

226 P2: no ňák tak

Transl:   ‘Yeah something like that.’


255 P2: tak jsem jenom udělal ty GCSEs ty první zkoušky státní

Transl:   ‘So I just did GCSEs, the first state exam.’


259 P2: pak jsem se dozvěděl jak jsem udělal A-levels

Transl:   ‘And then I found out how I did my A-levels.’


329 P2: a pak jsem to se mi líbili líbilo jak jsem byl v Rakousku

Transl:   ‘Then I really liked when I was in Austria.’

330 P2: že to nevadilo

Transl:   ‘That it didn’t matter.’

331 P2: že že nemusil být Angličan nebo Čech jako

Transl:   ‘That I didn’t have to be English or Czech.’

332 A: že tě lidi nesoudili

Transl:   ‘That people didn’t judge you.’

333 P2: Ausländer

334 P2: foreigner


342 P2: to bylo fakt zajímavé že moji kámoši na Moravě říkali že nemám tak silný přízvuk

Transl:   ‘It was really interesting that my friends in Moravia used to say that I don’t have such a strong accent.’

343 P2: ale stejně věděli že nejsem Čech

Transl:   ‘But they new anyway that I wasn’t Czech.’

344 P2: a to bylo tím že to je jiný rytmus

Transl:   ‘And that’s because it’s a different rhythm.’

345 P2: že angličtina je jambická

Transl:   ‘English is iambic.’

346 P2: iambic

347 P2: a čeština je naopak

Transl:   ‘And Czech is the other way around.’